By Fethi Mansouri
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Extra resources for Australia and the Middle East: A Front-line Relationship (Library of International Relations)
Raffaelli, believed that the ‘yellow peril’ was little more than a product of the Kaiser’s fevered imagination. Raffaelli spoke from a classically orientalist position of a kind thoroughly documented by Said. Raffaelli argued that the civilizations of China, India and Egypt had died out long ago, leaving only degenerate remnants of what had gone before. ’ 4 Dead civilizations demanded European intervention and governance, but posed no threats as enemies. In sharp contrast, the Kaiser’s impending ‘yellow peril’ reconstituted Asia as an active force in world affairs and an enemy to be taken seriously.
24 Indeed, Islam may well have been an architectural experience rather than a religious encounter. Islam was undeniably imposing and exotic, but it remained resolutely alien, particularly in its religious teachings. Through the inter-war years a variety of government instrumentalities and private organizations sought to build Australia’s population. Typical of the period was the extravagant developmentalist hyperbole of the ‘Millions Club,’ which set as its goal the settlement of a million farmers on a million farms across Australia.
9 For the purposes of our inquiry, it is worth noting that the Australians, although later adept at appropriating the Gallipoli campaign, were outnumbered throughout by British, Indian and French forces. The Dardanelles campaign had little significance in the bigger context of the war, fought largely on two fronts in Europe; and in terms of those Australians killed, the figure of 8141 at Gallipoli was soon dwarfed by the monstrous bloodshed in France. When Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes demanded reparations and the recognition of Australian interests in the peace-making at the end of the war, he claimed to speak for the 60,000 Australian dead.
Australia and the Middle East: A Front-line Relationship (Library of International Relations) by Fethi Mansouri