By Klaus Beyme
Klaus von Beyme is a distinct German political scientist and recipient of the Mattei Dogan Award of Political technological know-how (2012). In honour of his eightieth birthday this publication addresses political tradition, cultural coverage, paintings and politics. the 1st half on transformation thought analyses: “Historical thoughts in Political Theories”, “Historical reminiscence in Nation-Building and the development of Ethnic Subsystems”, “The idea of Totalitarianism – A Reassessment After the Breakdown of Soviet Rule”, “Political tradition – an idea from Ideological Refutation to attractiveness within the Soviet Social Sciences”, “Institutions and Political tradition in Post-Soviet Russia” and “Political and monetary Consolidation in japanese Europe. proof from Empirical Data”. the second one half on cultural regulations addresses “Why is There No Political technological know-how of the Arts?”, “Historical reminiscence and the humanities within the period of the Avantgardes: Archaisme and Passéisme as a ‘passéisme of the future’”, and “Capital-building in Post-war Germany”.
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Additional info for On Political Culture, Cultural Policy, Art and Politics
There was no purge after the liquidation of the Röhm clique in Nazi Germany as “the extermination of ethnic groups can, of course, not be considered a purge” (Arendt in Friedrich 1954: 338). This truism hinted at some fundamental differences in the perceptions of two former German citizens: Arendt was descended from a Jewish family, and anti-Semitism in its apocalyptic consequences made Nazi ‘totalitarianism’ unique for her. Hannah Arendt in her outlook was close to her former teacher, the philosopher Karl Jaspers, who accepted a chair in Basel because he was disgusted with the superficial way Germans handled the problem of collective guilt at Heidelberg.
A Jewish scholar, as the exponent of a well-assimilated minority, was, however, suspected of promoting the special interests of his group. The Jews are not among the deprived groups in the country and even in religious matters, with the exception of some religious sectarians, they tend to remain silent, so that they are more easily able to accept this liberal ‘colour-blind’ point of view than the torchbearers in the struggle for the rights of the black population or the Hispanics. Ideological liberals tend to oppose all theories of affirmative action and claim that these measures aggravate isolation and alienation from the overall goals of the nation, without solving the social problems of these groups (Kymlicka 1995: 4).
The students who worked with the totalitarianism model usually thought that totalitarianism was contagious. Contacts between Western democracies and the totalitarian regimes should be kept to a minimum. Everywhere treason and subversion were imputed. Sometimes there were, of course, naive attempts to contact the totalitarians. This is not only true of certain ‘fellow travellers’ who systematically underrated the crimes and inefficiencies of socialist systems. But in the long run, the liberal mainstream had enough confidence in the strength of the democratic creed to advocate greater contacts with the totalitarian regimes.
On Political Culture, Cultural Policy, Art and Politics by Klaus Beyme